Conservative Comebacks to Liberal Lies
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Conservative comebacks to liberal lies
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Online Only. Let's say you're listening to a loony liberal, debating some dopey Democrat, or arguing with a gaggle of goofy lefties. Wouldn't it be great to have the fact Well, here it finally is.
Radio host and author Gregg Jackson has written THE authoritative answer book for conservatives concerning our nations key concerns: Abortion, terrorism, the Patriot Act, separation of church and state, illegal immigration, the environment, same-sex marriage, taxes, deficits, school vouchers, gun control, health care, social security, feminism, media bias, and President Bush's real record of achievement. Conservative Comebacks to Liberal Lies should be in the hands of every red-blooded conservative in America!
Dimensions mm : xx41mm Weight: g. When will my order arrive? The new racism comes down to this: if you oppose the left's policies, on racial preferences or on anything else that affects blacks, you must be out to harm black Americans. The Democrats' campaign in January to derail the nomination of John Ashcroft as the nation's new attorney general drew freely on this expansive conception of racism, though liberals couched it in different rhetoric, saying that the former Missouri senator was "insensitive" toward blacks.
A related charge that conservatives often hear from liberals is that, whatever they might say, they're really mean-spirited white people whose goal is to make the rich richer at the expense of the poor, the black, and the helpless—especially kids. Such attacks reached a fever pitch after Republicans won the House of Representatives in But in the political rhetoric of today's liberals, fine distinctions often get lost.
Such indictments exhibit neither the reflection nor the civility appropriate to a free society. And note that it's not just fired-up activists talking this way. It's the liberal, Democratic party mainstream: the president and vice president, the nation's paper of record, key presidential advisors, TV hosts, influential congressmen, and other top office holders.
Conservative Comebacks to Liberal Lies by Gregg Jackson
T he left's effort to push conservative opinions outside the realm of acceptable discourse takes on even greater force in cultural disagreements like the controversy over homosexuality. For liberals, fighting for homosexual rights is the moral equivalent of the fight for civil rights for blacks, so that anyone who opposes, say, gay marriage or who supports the Boy Scouts' freedom not to hire homosexual scoutmasters is a bigot—end of story. But it's one thing to say that all men are created equal and quite another to hold that all forms of sexual behavior are morally equivalent. The most conspicuous recent example of this effort to discredit conservative views on homosexual behavior is the campaign by gay activists to shut down Laura Schlessinger's Paramount-produced television show.
Laura," an Orthodox Jew who accepts the biblical proscription of homosexual acts, contends that homosexuals have a right to "respect and kindness" but that homosexual sex is "deviant" behavior.
Leading religious thinkers and moral philosophers have taken precisely that view for thousands of years; but that didn't stop gay activists from making Dr. Laura out to be the "Queen of Hate Radio. Laura's TV show is still on the air, though it has suffered from weak ratings and will likely not be renewed. One further example. The Claremont Institute, a respected California-based conservative think tank, and the National Association for Research and Therapy of Homosexuality set off an enormous controversy when they invited to a Los Angeles conference on the legal and medical status of homosexuality a group of conservative political thinkers and psychiatrists who don't accept the idea that homosexuality is genetically determined—a key tenet of homosexual-rights activists.
Without bothering to inquire, the Los Angeles City Council rushed to condemn the conference as an exercise in "defamation and demonization. L iberals claim that conservatives who criticize homosexual behavior as immoral or deviant create a "hostile climate" that leads to gay bashing. Shortly after the brutal murder of homosexual Matthew Shepard by actual gay-bashers, Jonathan Alter of Newsweek sought to blame all moral conservatives for the crime. If all Alter was saying is that conservatives should strive to be civil in making their arguments about homosexual behavior, then he'd find few serious conservative thinkers or politicians who'd disagree with him.
His real meaning, though, is that anyone espousing traditional views should just be quiet. Like most of today's left, Alter rejects Voltaire's famous dictum: "I disapprove of what you say, but I will defend to the death your right to say it. The left's position on homosexuality is no longer about winning tolerance for it but about getting everyone to celebrate it as just one more perfectly normal sexual life-style. The easy assumptions Alter makes are illustrative: that conservative criticism of homosexual behavior is "degrading," for example, or that the moral teachings of, say, the Catholic Church, are "homophobic"—an expression of mental illness, in other words.
The British writer Melanie Phillips, no conservative, sees in such casual assertions a breathtaking illiberalism and inversion of traditional values. A "homophobe," she recently observed, is now "[a]nyone who believes that sexual orientation should remain a private matter and who deplores the intimidation of those who wish to keep it so. Abortion is another cultural controversy in which liberals simply try to silence conservative views—sometimes quite crudely.
As former Democratic senator Patricia Schroeder put it when criticizing abortion opponents: "We don't want to see that kind of goose-stepping over women's rights.
The Washington Post 's Richard Cohen, in a column entitled "When Morality Begets Violence," blamed the "language of the anti-abortion movement, a piece of it anyway," with inciting bombings at abortion clinics. Polly Rothstein of the Westchester Coalition for Legal Abortion all but blamed the pope and other religious leaders for the murder several years back of Barnett Slepian, a Buffalo doctor who performed abortions.
They didn't "pull the trigger," she said, but blood "is on the hands" of such figures anyway. As columnist John Leo wisely counsels: "Beware of arguments based on climates or atmospheres. Most of them are simply attempts to disparage opponents and squelch legitimate debate. T his illiberal approach to political debate went into overdrive with liberals' reaction to George W. Bush's close victory over Al Gore in the presidential race and during the Senate hearings to confirm John Ashcroft as attorney general.
Referring to the large swathes of the country that voted for Bush—colored bright red on the newspaper maps—liberal columnist and former Clinton advisor Paul Begala wrote: "You see the state where James Byrd was lynch-dragged behind a pickup truck until his body came apart—it's red. You see where Matthew Shepard was crucified on a split-rail fence for the crime of being gay—it's red.
You see the state where right-wing extremists blew up a federal office building and murdered scores of federal employees: red. The state where an army private thought to be gay was bludgeoned to death with a baseball bat, and the state where neo-Nazi skinheads murdered two African-Americans because of their skin color, and the state where Bob Jones University spews its anti-Catholic bigotry: they're red too.
In seeking to defeat the Ashcroft nomination, liberals tried to do more than make Ashcroft out to be a racist. Without argument, they sought to relocate the "mainstream" leftward, in order to make any conservative seem well out of it, an extremist. Even ostensible moderate Joe Lieberman exploited this tactic. But consider Lieberman's two stated examples: civil rights read: racial preferences and privacy rights read: abortion. Columnist Charles Krauthammer correctly responds: "In a country so divided on these issues, can one seriously argue that opposing abortion and racial preferences is proof of extremism?
It would be odd indeed if the minority of Americans who believe in racial preferences and the minority who believe in abortion-on-demand were to define the American mainstream. I ronically, the tendency to treat conservative opinions as a form of bigotry and extremism has found its warmest welcome in the seat of liberal learning, which once held sacrosanct the freedom to debate ideas. Obligatory sensitivity sessions inculcating the "correct" attitudes toward feminism, homosexuality, and race; speech codes that punish "inappropriate laughter"; university officials looking away when student activists disrupt a conservative professor's classes; conservative speakers disinvited from campus lectures—by now the litany of college political correctness has become a familiar butt of ridicule, but it still works to banish or silence anything resembling a conservative viewpoint at the nation's universities.
Hentoff has brought to national attention one example that can stand for thousands. A little while back, a conservative Cornell University student newspaper published a parody of Ebonics—an African-American dialect that a handful of educational theorists and activists ill-advisedly thought should be taught in inner-city schools as the equivalent of standard English.